Basic Idea What you are vote choice ; Key foundational studies ; Lazarsfeld, Berelson, Gaudet (1944) The Peoples Choice Berelson, Lazarsfeld, McPhee (1954) Voting Sociological Model (Columbia Model) Social-Psychological Model (Michigan Model) Economic / Rational Choice Model (Rochester Model) 5 Sociological Model. Voters who vote against the party with which they identify keep their partisan identification. - What we're going to do in this video is start to think about voting behavior, and in particular, we're going to start classifying motivations for why someone votes for a particular candidate, and I'm going to introduce some terms that will impress your political science friends, but you'll see that they map two things that . There are other theories that highlight the impact of economic conditions and how voters compare different election results in their electoral choices, which refers to economic voting in the strict sense of the term. Other researchers have tried to propose combined models that combine different explanations. In the literature, spatial theories of voting are often seen as one of the main developments of the last thirty years which has been precisely the development of directional models since the proximity model dates back to the 1950s. A distinction is made between the sociological model of voting from the Columbia School, which refers to the university where this model was developed. Linked to this, it is important to look at individual data empirically as well. However, we see that this is not always true and that there are parties that propose more extreme policies that receive considerable electoral support. The idea of intensity can also be seen as the idea that there are certain issues, that there are certain political positions that put forward symbols and some of these symbols evoke making these two issues more visible to voters but in the sense of making voters say that this particular party is going in that direction and with a high intensity. Hirschman wanted to explain what happens in organizations when they enter a situation of crisis or decline. Some people talk about membership voting for the first two theories and cognitive voting for the economic model of voting. In order to explain this anomaly, another explanation beside the curvilinear explanation beside the directional theories of the vote, a third possibility to explain this would be to say that there are some parties that abandon the idea of maximizing the vote or electoral support in order to mobilize this electorate and for this we have to go to extremes. As part of spatial theories of the vote, some theories consider the characteristics of candidates. The starting point is that there is a congruence of attitudes between party leaders and voters due to the possibility of exit for voters when the party no longer represents them (exit). One can draw a kind of parallel with a loss of importance of the strength of partisan identification and also of the explanatory power of partisan identification. Voting is an act of altruism. The theories that are supposed to explain the electoral choice also explain at the same time the electoral participation in particular with the sociological model. Cross-pressure theory entered political science via the analysis of voting behavior at Columbia University (Lazarsfeld et al. In this model, importance is given to primary socialization. Partisan attachment is at the centre of the graph influencing opinions on certain issues being discussed or the attitudes of certain candidates. Then they evaluate their own position in relation to the issues and they do the same operation positioning themselves on this left-right axis. 0000001213 00000 n From the parties' perspective, this model makes different predictions than the simple proximity model, which made a prediction of convergence of a centripetal force with respect to party positioning. In this theory, we vote for specific issues that may be more or less concrete, more or less general, and which form the basis for explaining electoral behaviour. What is interesting is that they try to relate this to personality traits such as being open, conscientious, extroverted, pleasant and neurotic. It is a third explanation given by Przeworski and Sprague in their theory of partisan competition, also known as the theory of mobilization of the electorate. The image that an individual has of himself in this perspective is also the result of this identification. Voters try to maximize the usefulness of the vote, that is, they try to vote for the party that makes them more satisfied. There is no real electoral choice in this type of explanation, but it is based on our insertion in a social context. On the basis of this, we can know. In short, it is an explanatory model that emphasizes the role of political attitudes. 0000006260 00000 n Voters have knowledge of the ideological positions of parties or candidates on one or more ideological dimensions and they use this knowledge to assess the political positions of these parties or candidates on specific issues. Prospective voting says that voters will listen to what candidates and parties have to say. At the basis of the reflection of directional models, and in particular of directional models with intensity, there is what is called symbolic politics. A symbol is evaluated on the basis of two parameters, namely direction (1), a symbol gives a certain direction in the policy and in addition a certain intensity (2) which is to what extent is one favourable or unfavourable to a certain policy. The idea is that this table is the Downs-Hirschman model that would have been made in order to summarize the different responses to the anomaly we have been talking about. Information is central to spatial theories, whereas in the psycho-sociological model, information is much less important. Elections and voters: a comparative introduction. Property qualifications. One must assess the value of one's own participation and also assess the number of other citizens who will vote. Also called the Columbia model (after the university from whence came the researchers), the sociological model of voting behavior was constructed with the intention of studying the effect of media on voting choice. Although the models rely on the same data they make radically different predictions about the political future. Several studies have shown that the very fact of voting for a party contributes to the development of a certain identification for that party. The sociological model at the theoretical level emphasizes something important that rationalist and economic theories have largely overlooked, namely, the importance of the role of social context, i.e., voters are all in social contexts and therefore not only family context but also a whole host of other social contexts. models of voting behavior -the columbia school (1940s) -the Michigan school (1950s) the columbia school -1940s -social determinism -voter brand loyalty (party id) -selective perception/projection -minimal campaign effect -cross-pressures -high interest+low partisanship are rare minimal campaign effect . Ideology can also be in relation to another dimension, for example between egalitarian and libertarian ideology. Voting for a party and continuing to vote for such a party repeatedly makes it possible to develop an identification with that party which, in a way, then reinforces the electoral choice. This electoral volatility, especially in a period of political misalignment, is becoming more and more important and is increasingly overshadowed by this type of explanation. Within the ambit of such a more realistic, limited-rational model of human behavior, mitigation outcomes from . 0000000636 00000 n The Lazarsfeld model would link membership and voting. There have been several phases of misalignment. The personality model highlights the importance of childhood experiences for political behavior and belief in adulthood; the sociological model highlights the importance of primary and interest . The importance of symbols lies in what arouses emotions. The psycho-sociological model, also known as the Michigan model, can be represented graphically or schematically. The concept of electoral choice does not belong to the sociological model but rather to rationalist theories. JSTOR. xb```f`` @f8F F'-pWs$I*Xe< *AA[;;8:::X"$C[6#,bH.vdM?2Zr@ ai,L 3105. It is the state of the economy that will decide who will win the election or not. The idea was that there were two possible responses that are put in place by members of that organization: one of "exit", to withdraw, to go to another organization. From this point of view, parties adopt political positions that maximize their electoral support, what Downs calls the median voters and the idea that parties would maximize their electoral support around the center of the political spectrum. In the sociological and psycho-sociological model, there was no place for ideology, that's another thing that counts, on the other hand, in economic theories, spatial theories and Downs' theory of the economic vote, ideology is important. In prospective voting, Grofman said that the position of current policy is also important because the prospective assessment that one can make as a voter of the parties' political platforms also depends on current policy. They are both proximity choices and directional choices with intensity, since there are voters who may choose intensity and others who may choose direction. Voters will vote for a party but that party is not necessarily the one with which they identify. In general, they are politically more sophisticated and better educated; those who rely on the opinion of the media and opinion leaders; that of the law of curvilinear disparity proposed by May; the directional model of Rabinowitz and Matthews; Przeworski and Sprague's mobilization of the electorate. Understanding voters' behavior can explain how and why decisions were made either by public decision-makers, which has been a central concern for political scientists, [1] or by the electorate. There has also been the emergence of empirical criticisms which have shown that the role of partisan identification has tended to decrease sharply and therefore an increase in the role of the issues and in particular the role of the cognitive evaluation that the actors make in relation to certain issues. We must also take into account other socializing agents that can socialize us and make us develop a form of partisan identification. In essence, those studies provided the core concepts and models used in contemporary voting research. Voters try to maximize their individual utility. The theoretical criticism consists in saying that in this psychosocial approach or in this vision that the psychosocial model has of the role of political issues, the evaluation of these issues is determined by political attitudes and partisan identification. The Logics of Electoral Politics. The idea is that you stay loyal and you do "voice", that is, act to make things change. 0000010337 00000 n The second criterion is subjectivity, which is that voters calculate the costs and benefits of voting subjectively, so they make an assessment of the costs and benefits. Numerous studies examine voting behavior based on the formal theoretical predictions of the spatial utility model. As this is the first model that wanted to study empirically and test hypotheses on the basis of survey data, it was necessary to develop conceptual tools, in particular the political predisposition index, which focuses on three types of social affiliations that are fundamental in this perspective to explain electoral choices, namely social status, religion and place of residence. (1949). According to Merril and Grofman, one cannot determine whether one pure model is superior to another because there are methodological and data limitations. This is the idea that gave rise to the development of directional models, which is that, according to Downs and those who have followed him, because there is transparency of information, voters can very well see what the political platforms of the parties or candidates are. On the other hand, ideologically extreme voters try to influence party policies through party activism (voice). Some have criticized this model saying that it puts forward the one-dimensional image of the human being and politics, that is, that it is purely rational, hypercognitive in a way without taking into account sociological but also psychological elements. First, they summarize the literature that has been interested in explaining why voters vary or differ in the stability or strength of their partisan identification. Print. The Michigan model was based on the idea of socialization and partisan identification as a long-term attachment to a party that is the result of primary socialization in particular, and therefore as insertion into a given social context. Houndmills, Basingstoke, Hampshire: Macmillan Education, 1987. Some have another way of talking about convergences and showing how the theories explaining the vote can be reconciled with the process of political misalignment. The psychological and socio-economic model are strongly opposed, offering two explanations that are difficult to reconcile, even though there have been efforts to try to combine them. There has been a lot of criticism that has allowed the idea of issue voting to develop in a rationalist context and models. Voters who rely on strong partisan identification do not need to go and do systematic voting or take one of the shortcuts. The ideological space can be defined as a left-right ideological space but can also be defined more precisely in relation to certain issues. Much of the work in electoral behaviour draws on this thinking. So there are four main ways. The idea is that there is something easier to evaluate which is the ideology of a party and that it is on the basis of this that the choice will be made. The economic model makes predictions and tries to explain both the participation but also, and above all, the direction of the vote, which is the electoral choice. Professor Political Science Buena Vista University Two basic concerns: Turnout ("Who votes?") Key questions: What are the characteristics and attitudes of voters vs. nonvoters? More realistic, limited-rational model of voting behavior at Columbia University ( Lazarsfeld et al entered science. The number of other citizens who will vote for a party contributes the. 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